Virtual Homeland of Kashmiri Pandits

Kashmir News Network

A spate of articles appearing in the both English language and the vernacular press in Kashmir have been critical of Kashmiri pandits’ so called reluctance to return and have been blaming the exiled community for the divide between them and the muslims. The writers behind these articles have at times put forward preposterous arguments to back their claims, which betray their understanding of the pandit psyche.

The exodus of Kashmiri Pandits in 1990 represents a largest displacement of people in the sub continent since the upheaval of the partition in 1947. The en-mass flight of the pandits acquires a unique character since unlike the partition there was no exchange or transfer of people in a reciprocal exodus. Moreover, pandits were uprooted and forced to become refugees in their own country, while as the people affected by the partition were not only aware of the implications of their decision to migrate but were choosing the final destinations in the countries of their choice. The victims of the partition also knew the irreversibility of the choice of their new citizenship. The pandits, on the other hand are still not reconciling with the fact of their exodus, perhaps, having attained a state of permanency.

The question of returning to their place of birth still haunts the pandits as strongly as it troubled them fourteen years ago, when they were trying to come to terms with an entirely different way of life in an alien atmosphere and an unnatural habitat. Not withstanding the widely held perception, pandits continue to be sensitive and alive to the question of returning to their roots with the same intensity as was present at the time of their displacement. And, despite their return having become a subject matter of frequent discussions and debates, which usually paint a picture that is contrary to the prevalent mood within the pandits, their yearning for the lost homeland remains unabated.

It is also true; the road leading to return of pandits to Kashmir is now laden with a lot of stumbling blocks and obstacles. Apart from the hardened mindsets within the sections of Kashmiri muslims , vested interests in Kashmiri muslim society are trying hard to maintain a status quo. These sections listen to the dictates originating out of both materialistic reasons as well as ideological beliefs. And the biggest inhibiting factor preventing the pandits from being enthusiastic about their return is the consistent refusal of the Kashmiri muslim leadership as well as the common people to discuss the circumstances that led to their exodus and displacement. A lot of water has flown down the Jehlum in the last fourteen years leaving behind fossilized sediments of distrust and apprehensions. A forcefully evicted person cannot be expected to return into a vacuum without seeking answers to some of his fundamental questions. It is a myth and political propaganda, which paints the pandits as devils not interested in returning to the place, which legitimately belongs to them as well.

True, a huge chasm has been created between the pandits and muslims that might not be easily narrowed. This divide has been caused not by the pandits’ decision to flee en-mass and leave their muslim brethren to the ‘cruel mercy of Indian security forces.’ Kashmiri pandits still find it difficult to forget the failure of majority muslim community to discharge its basic human and social responsibility of protecting a miniscule minority. The abnormally charged atmosphere, in early nineties, and their excited passions did create illusions of the ‘azadi’ being round the corner in the minds of nearly every Kashmiri muslim. Unfortunately, the majority community during that phase of fanatical romanticism forgot their age-old social relationship with the people, with whom they share a common ancestry. Some pandits might even be prepared to grant a benefit of doubt to the muslims for their inaction in preventing them from leaving their homes and hearth on the plea of circumstances at that time being beyond their control. But, none of the pandits can reconcile with the fact of there being no worthwhile repentance even now when the threat of gun is considered to have more or less disappeared. The pandits have formed a conviction about the events of 1989-90 not being a simple aberration but a deliberate, carefully thought out action plan, which was backed by a strong fundamentalist ideology. And adding more insults to the injury is the constantly repeated insinuation of Jagmohan herding out the pandits as if they were cattle and animals.

Today, whenever the pandits are confronted with the possibility of ending their exile forcibly due to an executive order or otherwise, serious doubts and apprehensions take shape in their minds. They are still not sure about the type of welcome that is in store for them in Kashmir. The majority community has made no efforts towards any confidence building measures, which could embolden the pandits into contemplating a reversal of exodus. The muslims of Kashmir have till now not been able to instill such confidence in the pandits, which would convince them into believing that their presence is required to once again lend colour to other wise dull bouquet of flowers. On the other hand, a pandit visiting the valley is invariably discouraged to ever think of returning on the plea of the place having nothing to offer them. The visiting pandit is often counseled, "Come as a tourist, stay with us as long as you wish to and then go back." A pandit has not developed any confidence in the ability of a Kashmiri muslim behaving in a way contrary to his behavior that compelled the community to seek refuge out side the valley.

The pandits’ apprehensions of being unwelcome in the valley have been carefully strengthened by the Kashmiri leadership, both mainstream as well as separatist. If Farooq Abdullah succeeded in creating a fallacy of improved economic status of pandits as a withholding factor for their return, Mufti Sayed has gone a step further in antagonizing the pandits with his apathy towards their sensitivities. The separatist leaders have also constantly laden their arguments with such a rhetoric, which has only widened the chasm between the two communities. Any exceptional reconciliatory gesture has been forthcoming more out of the turbulence of the mind than from the core of the heart.

Pandits have also not forgotten that on one hand Sheikh Abdullah labeled them as fifth columnists acting as agents of Indian government and the common muslims branded them Jan Sanghis. That there were more muslims associated with Congress than pandits and despite the possibility of a strategic polling ensuring a victory for Jan Sangh candidates in at least couple of constituencies, it never happened that way was always lost on both the Sheikh as well as the common muslims.

Kashmiri muslim civil society has developed their own vested interests in maintaining the status quo. Most of the pandit property exchanged hands at a fraction of the actual price. The muslims fear the home coming of the pandits might be accompanied by some legislative guarantees, which can deprive them of the such holdings. The other cause of worry for the muslims could be the uncertainty associated with the continuity of the jobs given to them against the so called vacant ‘migrant posts.’ There is also now a complete one generation of Kashmiri muslims, which is totally ignorant of the nuances associated with pluralistic societies. This generation has also been brought up in the circumstances that would have conditioned their thought process. Pandits have a genuine concern about the way this generation would respond in the eventuality of their returning.

Kashmiri pandits would definitely like to return to the land which gave them birth; inspiration for learning; sense of aesthetics and art of compassion. It is also true a large number of pandits have thrived in the opportunities provided by the bourgeoning Indian economy. This reflects their resilience and demonstrates their survival instincts. But, this can never be an excuse for their shirking from returning. The conditions and the dispensation under which the pandits can return is a subject, which should concern the leadership of both the communities. There is a need for understanding and appreciating the concerns and the aspirations of the pandits. The muslim community must understand that pandits have progressed not because of any job reservations, which incidentally do not exist any where in India, but because of their ability to rise above the debris of shattered dreams. They have also struggled honestly and competed evenly. The people who unfairly accuse them of pursuing a cultural divide on communal lines must sit down in an honest introspection to find who have been responsible for vandalizing and prostituting the age old bonds between the two communities. " Cherar banie hani hani- Mast Gul Katie banie,"( shrines can be build gradually, but people like Mast Gul can not be produced easily) was definitely not coined by pandits.

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