Once the Kashmiri militants opted to give up faith in Kashmiriat in favour of Islamic fundamentalism, it was but natural for the Kashmiri Hindus to follow suit. The recently held World Kashmiri Pandit Conference provided enough evidence that Pakistan has been successful in using the militancy in the Valley to tear as-under the age-old Kashmiri identity which encompassed both the Hindus and the Muslims. Consequently, today the emphasis is not on Kashmiriat but on religious identity.

No wonder that the Kashmiri Pandits are raising a demand for a homeland which can offer them safety and security in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. Howsoever tragic-and impractical-the demand for a homeland may seem, the Kashmiri Pandits appear quite determined to achieve it. Moreover, they want to become a player in the resolution of the Kashmir imbroglio as they argue that the voice of the Kashmiri Pandits should also be taken into account while hammering out a solution to the problem. The articulation of the homeland demand by Kashmiri Hindus has come as a fresh reminder that the Kashmir valley should not be mistaken as the entire Jammu and Kashmir State which is a conglomeration of heterogeneous geographical regions inhabited by diverse but distinct ethnic, religious and linguistic people.

The Valley accounts for only 3,000 square miles in a State whose total area happens to be nearly 84,000 square miles. During its invasion in 1947, Pakistan succeeded in annexing one-third of the State. The Valley is predominantly Muslim with a small presence of Sikhs and Hindus who are essentially Kashmiri Pandits. Ladakh, the largest segment of the State, is sparsely populated and most people here profess faith in Buddhism while the neighbouring Kargil is predominantly Muslim. The Jammu region has a preponderance of the Hindus but in some districts, both Hindu and Muslim communities are evenly represented. What has so far been a unique feature of the Kashmiri society is the complete lack of differentiation between the life-styles of the Hindus and the Muslims.

Their language, clothes and food is just the same. Both share the same common cultural heritage which saved itself from the process of communalisation witnessed elsewhere. Yet, that phase seems to be over because the Kashmiri Pandits too have started laying much more emphasis on religious identity than the common cultural bonds-a natural reaction to the concerted attempt of the militants to Islamise the Valley.

The Kashmiri Pandits are claiming that they are the original, indigenous people of Kashmir and should, in accordance with the international conventions, be accorded the same status as the endangered indigenous people in other parts of the world. It was in December 1991, that Panun Kashmir (Our Own Kashmir), an organisation of Kashmiri Hindus, had first raised the demand for a homeland at its convention held in Jammu. A resolution adopted at this convention, and reiterated at the recently held World Conference, spelt out that the homeland should comprise the regions of the Valley to the east and north of river Jhelum.

It is indicative of the Kashmiri Pandits’ mood that in the true revivalist tradition, they have started calling Jhelum by its ancient name Vitasta. And an organisation “Daughters of Vitasta” has also been floated. The Kashmiri Pandits want that their homeland should enjoy the status of a Union Territory with full application of the Indian Constitution so that “it evolves its own economic and political infrastructure.” Like the Jews before the creation of Israel, they have also started a “Back Home Movement” so that all those Kashmiri Pandits, who were forced out of the Valley during the past six centuries because of fear of death or conversion into Islamic faith, can return to their land.

Against this background, it is hardly surprising that the Kashmiri Pandits have started talking about “genocide” and “ethnic cleansing” of the Hindus in the Valley. They plan to make the international community aware of this stark reality in the course of their worldwide campaign. Consequently, the emphasis is more on the Hindu aspect of the Kashmiri culture with memories of forcible conversions by Muslim rulers haunting the proponents of the homeland. It is being alleged that the original “Sharda” script of the Kashmiri language was destroyed and the language was forcibly Persianised. It is claimed that the Kashmiri language has its roots in the Rigvedic Sanskrit and not in the Central Asian Dardi and Semitic Hebrew as is currently believed.

The Kashmiri Pandits have also come out against agrarian reforms carried out in the Valley. They allege that these reforms have hit their economic interest the most as their lands were distributed among the Muslims. One of their other grievances is the deliberate delimitation of Assembly constituencies in such a manner which disabled the Kashmiri Pandits to send their “true representatives” to the State Assembly. They were denied access to professional colleges as well, forcing them to leave the Valley.

Yet, the question to be asked is: Will the creation of a homeland for Kashmiri Pandits solve their problems? Or, will it only add an additional factor to the on-going Kashmir dispute in which India and Pakistan constitute the two opposing sides and the Kashmiri separatists want to become a new party? Indications are that at least for the time being, the Kashmiri Pandits are raising the demand to attract international attention to their plight and apply psychological pressure on militants and their Pakistani patrons. All these efforts might make it difficult for the intelocutors in the Kashmir dispute to ignore the Kashmiri Pandits’ aspirations.